The recent wave of defections experienced by Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) was indeed shocking in its speed and scale, which shows the extraordinary resilience one needs to survive in Malaysia's treacherous political terrain.
But defections are nothing new. In the late 1940s, British colonialists pursued vigorously members of Parti Orang Muslimin Malaya (the Malayan Muslim Party) on suspicion of links with the communists, prompting them to join Umno. A few years later, many of these clerics quit Umno over ideological differences and formed a group that would later become Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS).
Even Onn Jaafar (left) Umno's founder, was not immune to defection. Having failed in his effort at multiracial membership, he parted with Umno and went on to form the Independence of Malaya Party. When he could not garner enough support from non-Malays, Onn Jaafar again sought to revive his political fortunes by appealing to Malay nationalism through Parti Negara. He died a bitter man in 1962.
As for the Chinese-based parties, the MCA, Gerakan and the DAP have at various times served as repositories for each other's renegades, and there are no blushes in doing so.
Party defection is also common in other democracies. Winston Churchill easily ditched the Tories for the Liberals, and then switched to serving as independent before returning to the Conservative fold, with each defection triggered clearly by principles that he held dear to his heart.
Profound impact
If there is any political figure whose transformation has had profound impact on Malaysians, it can only be Anwar Ibrahim.
Once a rebel-rousing Islamist and Malay nationalist youth leader, Anwar converted to mainstream politics by joining Umno in 1982. The policies that he introduced as minister were so controversial that they successfully made Mahathir Mohamad appear like a 'lesser evil' in the eyes of the non-Malays.
NONEIn the early 1990s, Anwar (right) rebranded himself as a champion of civilisational dialogue and a market-friendly leader, and all this was in tandem with his political ascendancy.
That marked the beginning of his tribulations. After his sacking from Umno, the former deputy prime minister was made to endure merciless persecution by the state. Yet it is a blessing in disguise. Precisely because he himself has been, and continues to be, the most prominent victim of institutional injustice, the masses tend to believe in his reform agenda of the present.
On the contrary, not many take Mahathir's misgivings over the lack of press freedom and democratic space seriously. Since much of the current disarrays and disputes have origins in his 22-year iron rule, he is nothing more than a shameless humbug lamenting his loss of power and influence.
Battle against bigots
In recent days, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, or Ku Li, has aroused much public interest with his seemingly reformist language. Of greater interest is the Umno veteran's lonely battle against the bigots in the party over Kelantan's oil royalty.
Earlier this week, he made several observations that needed utmost attention by the nation, and proposed remedies.
tengku razaleigh speech 110310 02However, a closer look at Ku Li's political career indicates that his liberal ideas were largely formed after the March 8 General Election two years ago. Prior to this, the views of the former finance minister on major public issues were at best sketchy and at worst obscure.
When Umno was split down the middle in the 1980s, both Ku Li (right) and Mahathir were engaged in a tight race over who best represented Malay interests. Team B, headed by Ku Li, later founded Semangat 46 and continued to challenge the establishment on the premise of Malay supremacy.
After some success in the 1990 General Election, the opposition camp was on the verge of disintegration due to discord and infighting. In 1994, Ku Li's party accentuated its Malayness by renaming itself Parti Semangat 46.
According to an article entitled Tunku Ensured Malay Predominance, Ku Li and Tunku Abdul Rahman agreed that Semangat 46 should one day merge with Umno to preserve Malay unity. This would also prevent its members from joining PAS.
And return to Umno he did, together with party bigwigs like Rais Yatim and Ahmad Shabery Cheek after the opposition was routed in the 1995 General Election. The only significant exception was Tun Salleh Abbas, the former Lord President, who opted for PAS as he refused to be led by the man most responsible for the rot in Malaysia's judiciary, i.e. Mahathir.
ghafar babaAt the height of the reformasi movement in 2001, a group of Umno veterans – including Ku Li and the late Ghafar Baba (left) - congregated at PWTC in Kuala Lumpur. Together, they condemned Keadilan members as traitors and warned that the Malays were again under 'threat'!
Major legacies
In fact, Ku Li's political ambitions remain intact despite the odds staked against him in Umno; he has also been biding his time. In March 2007, he and Mahathir both appeared at a forum to defend the New Economic Policy and the National Cultural Policy, the two major legacies of Abdul Razak. It was a time when the anti-Abdullah forces within Umno were quietly gathering pace, barely one year before the political tsunami of 2008!
Revisiting this part of the history helps us to understand Ku Li has always been an establishment man, a far cry from Anwar who emerged from popular movements, entered the establishment, became ostracised and returned to the masses again.
In terms of his reform agenda, one can safely say Anwar has crossed the Rubicon thanks to the incessant political and judicial persecution against him, which also sets him apart from Ku Li, who is through and through an aristocrat and a symbol of the old bureaucratic class.
Change of heart
Ku Li, of course, is entitled to reverse his decades-long belief in racial politics, but he should also be subject to more rigorous scrutiny just to ensure his sudden change of heart post-March 2008 has not been prompted by opportunism.
Now that Anwar is facing another possible jail term, Pakatan Rakyat may be counting on Ku Li as a potential supremo to head the opposition alliance in the worst case scenario. Having someone of royal pedigree and well-versed with court politics will keep internal dissent to the minimum, while assuaging the fear of the Malays that their interests might be at stake after regime change.
Even if Pakatan fails to wrest power from Umno, it may be able to maintain its current strengthen with Ku Li in charge. Seen in this light, his 'sudden change' and words that “we will cross the bridge when we come to it” are no longer puzzling.
It would be historical if Ku Li could contribute to the downfall of the corrupt and power-crazy Umno. Still, the question remains as to whether his reformist ideas can stand the test of time.
In other words, is he really a politician following his convictions, or merely a man of political expediency? After crossover, would he again return to Umno if the circumstances suited him? These are the questions on which Pakatan must ponder hard.
I welcome Ku Li's liberal agenda, but cannot help being sceptical, for only in so doing may I save myself from despondence should things turn out otherwise.
JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.